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  1. The authors of A History of World Societies repeatedly use the term “conquest” in chapter 16 in reference to the European presence in the Americas. This term is also used regarding the Bernardino de Sahagun account (in Sources of World Societies). Drawing from A History of World Societies and assigned primary source evidence, why is it reasonable to refer to European conquest in the Americas? In what respect is this term fair, for example, to describe the Spanish encounter with the Aztec (Mexica) and Inca civilizations?
  2. The illustration included in chapter 16 of A History of World Societies of Tenochtitlan, the Aztec (Mexica) capital, is just one indication of the vast and powerful states that existed in the Americas prior to sustained European contact following 1492. From the Missouri and Mississippi River valleys in North America to central Mexico and the highlands of Peru, the Cahokia, Aztec (Mexica), and Inca civilizations each exemplify large-scale and densely populated societies that, in some cases, were even larger than Spain. Yet, as we learn in chapter 16, American societies fell relatively quickly to European conquest and colonization, despite substantial resistance. Drawing from A History of World Societies, what factors explain why European were able to conquer the Americas? What examples from the assigned primary sources support this answer? In what ways does the assigned primary source evidence demonstrate that people in the Americas resisted European conquest?

Sample Solution

whilst these policies demonstrate a desire for equity, equality and social justice within education whilst showing strong links to nurture and health and wellbeing, they lack consideration into execution and moderation at national and local level. Rizvi and Lingard (2010) also suggest that whilst policies are written with intended consequences in mind, unintended consequences may also come to light bringing silent tensions with them. Policies should then be critically analysed to determine how they are represented with education and how they impact on strategic leadership. Although the World Bank has set clear long-term strategies in place, backed up by data and additional International Development Association (IDA) credits have been pledged to those countries falling behind the targets set by the World Bank, there needs to be clear accountability measures in place at both national and local level. The World Health Organisation’s Nurturing Care for Early Childhood Development: A Framework for linking SURVIVE and THRIVE to TRANSFORM health and human potential (2018) reports that all children require nurturing care to help them reach their full potential and have set out 17 global targets to be achieved by 2030. Whilst these goals are ambitious and aspirational in nature, again it can be said that the implementation and success of the policy, will only be effective through possible adaptation, careful implementation, delivery and monitoring at national and local levels. The policy also states that governments should ensure equitable coverage of interventions should be put in place, mainly for those children and young people in excluded or marginalised groups. The Scottish government seek to close the poverty related equity gap with the introduction of the Pupil Equity Fund (PEF) by providing funding to schools focussing on children and young people who are eligible for such interventions and those in receipt of Free Meal Entitlement (FME). With accountability for Pupil Equity Fund spending resting on individual schools, the question of whether the Scottish Government can effectively measure the impact of positive interventions and confidently discuss the success of such funding is raised. Since the funding has only been in place since 2017 sustained impact across improvements in literacy, numeracy and health and wellbeing may not be able to be fully demonstrated in such a short timeframe. Global ideas around nurture and the health and wellbeing agenda directly influence Scotland’s national policy landscape as the context dimension of current educational policy drivers focusses around the achievement of equity and equality for all children and young people. Written in response to the OECD report Synergies for Better Learning: An International Perspective on Evaluation and Assessment (2013), it could be said that the National Improvement Framework (2016) arose from political pressures regarding the Scottish education system. The NIF is authoritative in nature but is clear in its goal and strategy in closing the poverty attainment gap whilst achieving excellence in raising attainment. A key priority in the National Improvement Framework (2018) states that ‘every child has the same opportunity to succeed’ (2018, p. 5). Rizvi and Lingard (2010
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