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Cybercrime and the 4th Admendment

You are required to select a cybercrime, cybercrime investigation, computer/digital forensics. The topic must fulfill the objective of our course and should interest to you to result in a 8-10-page term paper. A few examples of the paper topic for this course might be: Investigating and Prosecuting Cybercrime, Social Media and the Fourth Amendment, Computer Forensics and its Impact on Business.

Sample Solution

Kosovo was vital if peace were to be maintained in the region. This was because the UN, the UK and the European Union (EU) all agreed that the violent and unique circumstances of the breakup of Yugoslavia and the period Kosovo spent under administration by the UN made it a special case for establishing an independent nation on human rights grounds (Vakhtangidze, 2011). Hence, the example of Kosovo’s bid for independence that was supported by the UN shows that the UN is effective as a peacekeeper and enforcer of international security on humanitarian grounds. Thus, Hazen (2007) argues that UN intervention is often necessary but should be limited. Although under Article II Part 7 of its Charter, the UN has traditionally upheld the national interests of all its member states, especially the permanent 5, the publication of the Responsibility to Protect in 2005 has changed how its operates (Clements, 2008). Humanitarian intervention takes place on two levels. First, it must acknowledge that the consequences of any kind of intervention, including humanitarian intervention can be considerable and, second, intervention in the affairs of another nation is a matter of principle, rather than one of personal gain (Paskins, 1993). The Responsibility to Protect was introduced as humanitarian intervention began to be touted as an appropriate response to conflict situations in 1999 by Bill Clinton, the then-President of the United States and Tony Blair, the then-Prime Minster of the UK (Daalder and O’Hanlon, 1999; Jenkins, 2016). In a speech broadcast in Chicago in 1999, Blair argued for humanitarian intervention on the grounds that the UN had a ‘responsibility to protect’ peoples experiencing persecution or being oppressed (Jenkins, 2016: 1). These sentiments inspired by UN intervention in the Kosovo Conflict in 1998-1999 led the UN to introduce the Responsibility to Protect. This international political principle was ratified by all member-states of the UN at the 2005 World Summit (Yoshida, 2013). The Responsibility to Protect aims to prevent war, crimes, ethnic cleaning, genocide and crimes against humanity. It has been suggested that the decision to adopt the principle of Responsibility to Protect indicates that international affairs are increasingly influenced by the liberal theory of political thought, which promotes equality and liberty for all peoples. It could be argued that the establishment of the Responsibility to Protect in the UN Charter means that it must act in the case of the Syrian Conflict. This is because under Responsibility to Protect, nations such as Syria have primary responsibility for mitigating conflict within their borders, but it is the secondary responsibility of the UN Security Council in instances where a nation fails to do this. Intervention in the case of Syria would seem to be in line of the ideal of liberal intervention developed by Blair and Clinton that would involve first world countries such as the UK and the United States taking part in voluntary wars in order to solve long-term conflicts and get rid of regimes that are hostile to the world order (Jenkins, 2016). On the other hand, it does not appear that the Responsibility to Prote

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