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“National trade unions in a globalized world

Global Industrial Relations at Ford Motor Company (US/Global) Ford Motor Company manufactures cars, trucks, and parts in 30 countries, with approximately 215,000 employees worldwide. It negotiates contracts with 56 different unions in every country where it manufactures except six (where there are no unions). In some countries, such as Italy, it must also negotiate with salaried staff and managers, who are also unionized. Because of this great variety of unions and countries, bargaining takes on as many different forms as there are countries. For example, in Australia, all major issues are first discussed by sub-committees at the local level, which, after agreement is reached, are then taken to the full national bargaining committee for Ford Motor. In contrast, in Germany, negotiation is done for all auto companies and auto unions at the same time through the national employers ’ association and the national metalworkers ’ union, which represents workers at all automotive companies. Even with this complicated bargaining reality, or maybe because of it, bargaining is handled almost exclusively at the local (country) level, with minimal coordination on a global level. As can be imagined, this not only causes coordination problems for the many unions involved, but also for Ford Motor Company itself. In spite of this, the office of the Director of International Labor Affairs Planning and Employee Relations (now consolidated in the office of Global Manufacturing and Labor Affairs) in Ford ’ s headquarters in Dearborn, Michigan, is literally only one person. As the Director of International Labor Affairs said, “ because I work in so many countries, one of my primary roles is to educate all the parts of the business in the US about what is going on around the world and how that affects the business.

” Source : excerpted from a presentation by David Killinger, Director, International Labor Affairs, on Ford Motor Company ’ s global labor relations, delivered at the Faculty Development Seminar on International HRM at the University of Colorado, Denver, June 8, 2000.

Discussion Questions :

watching/reading “National trade unions in a globalized world (Links to an external site.)”, please discuss the following:

What problems do you see for MNEs that must bargain with unions in multiple countries? How would you advise those problems to be resolved? What do you predict for the future of unions and union relations in the global economy? Why?

Sample Solution

onnotation that is associated with terrorism or labeling someone as a terrorist begs the question, what leads someone to become a terrorist? Unlike the consensus of the general population, terrorist groups themselves do not share a negative viewpoint of terrorism, instead referring to themselves as freedom fighters, insurgents, and/or revolutionaries. Bruce Hoffman—a terrorism expert from Georgetown University—notes that terrorist organizations commonly describe their attempts as self-defense movements and/or liberation efforts for the oppressed (Bruce 2013). Osama bin Laden—founder of the terrorist group al Qaeda whose purpose was to wage global jihad—called the terrorist acts conducted by al Qaeda “a commendable kind” because it took the “necessary measures to straighten things and make them right” (Bruce, 2013, p. 28). What factors provoked Osama bin Laden’s conversion to an extreme form of radical Islam is still yet to be entirely understood. However, using the various psychological and sociological theories has allowed for better understanding as to what may have motivated such extreme violence and hate. These same theories, help clarify the formative process that “makes a terrorist” in general. The Terrorist Profile Throughout history there have been a range of individuals, each from diverse backgrounds, who have belonged to terrorist groups. A limited number of these individuals shared exact personality or physical traits when compared to an individual from another terrorist group, or in many cases, even within the specific terrorist group they belonged to. Demographic studies done in the 1960s and 1970s constructed the profile of a traditional terrorist to be a well-educated, single male from a middle-class background. Typically, these men were mid-twenties in age (Victoroff, 2005). However, by the 1980s, this profile shifted with the rise of radical Islamic terrorist groups. The new profile characteristics, reflecting of these Palestinian terrorists, were consistent with an individual between the ages of seventeen to twenty-three who came from a large family and impoverished background. By the early 2000s, the terrorist profile changed once again to include men and women of all ages, coming from various professions, economic statuses, and regions of the world (Victoroff, 2005). Despite efforts by psychologists, political scientists, and sociologists, the only consensus reached regarding the traditional terrorist profile is that a single terrorist profile cannot be determined. In most cases, the personality traits of terrorists are entirely invariable from a non-terrorist, making it incredibly challenging to profile and distinguish a terrorist from any other individual in most settings (Hudson, 1999). Despite the lack of a defined profile, Jerrold M. Post—a professor at George Washington University—believes the generational transmission of extremist beliefs may offer some increased insight (Kershaw, 2010). This generational transmission, Post says, begins at an early age and includes feelings of victimization and alienation, belief that the end will justify the means in a moral sense, fear of religious or nationalist group extinction, and the concept that violence is the only solution (Kershaw, 2010). One of many, this theory offers potential insight into what drives an
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