Articles for Week 1 Readings
Links: https://www.aaets.org/article144.htm
http://www.childabuse.com/statistics.html
http://victimsofcrime.org/
Module 1: Models, Theories, and Basic Concepts of Domestic Violence
We hope that you have read the Approach section of the Read Me First file. If you haven’t, please do so before you read further in module 1. It provides an introduction to how we present the material and an explanation about how you should approach this often uncomfortable and, for some, intensely personal subject area.
Domestic violence is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that is best examined from a systems perspective. Not only does the systems model provide a structure for integrating the various components of a domestic violence occurrence, it also identifies possible solutions. It allows us to focus on the interactional determinants of behavior in order to better understand the complexities of this problem, and it supplies the theoretical underpinning for our study of domestic violence.
In this module, we will use the concept of vulnerability to explore the risk factors associated with domestic violence, and we will examine various theories of violence, including historical, biological, cultural, psychosocial, and victimization theories. Each theory provides a basis for examining the possible causes of violence. We will also look at decision making in the help-seeking process, and we will examine difficulties in determining the frequency and prevalence of domestic violence in contemporary society.
This module is ambitious. We will attempt to deal comprehensively with the topic of domestic violence by accounting for combinations of factors at several levels: the individual, the individual as functioning within a social group, and the individual as functioning within the cultural norms by which the social group operates.
Module 1: Models, Theories, and Basic Concepts of Domestic Violence
After completing this module, you should be able to:
•evaluate the efficacy of using a systems model to study domestic and family violence
•compare and contrast the personal and family subsystem with the organizational response subsystem
•synthesize the five major steps of the problem-solving process
•analyze the diverse perspectives which provide a basis for examining the possible causes of domestic violence
•define and illustrate the concept of vulnerability as it applies to domestic and family violence
•analyze the help-seeking process in terms of the Gomes-Schwartz model
Module 1: Models, Theories, and Basic Concepts of Domestic Violence
One of the most difficult problems in the study of domestic violence has been developing clear, useful, accepted, and acceptable definitions.
Violence, for instance, is essentially a political term, referring to any act that is considered harmful by a group with sufficient power to enforce their definition. For example, in Sweden, spanking is considered abusive and is outlawed; in the United States, it is considered to be an acceptable form of discipline by much of the adult population.
The noted child policy specialist James Garbarino (1989) offers a clarification of the ambiguities associated with definitions of domestic violence and its various subsets of abuse. From his perspective, domestic violence is not a natural fact, but a social judgment. Instead of being a set of objective categories of action, it is a process that evolves out of a series of negotiated settlements between citizen values, professional expertise, and political climate.
For the purposes of this course, we define violence as "an act carried out with intention, or perceived intention, of causing physical pain or injury to another person" (Gelles & Strauss, 1988, p. 14). This definition, however, will be modified as we consider the concept of violence from various perspectives and cultures. Domestic violence refers to those abusive situations occurring within or resulting from a domestic or familial partnership and will encompass physical, sexual, verbal, and emotional abuse towards and among children, parents, and partners of various orientations.
Systems Model
Traditionally, the study of domestic and family violence has been relatively unproductive, because it has focused on two seemingly discrepant aspects:
•understanding and intervening with the victim
•understanding and changing the behavior of the offender.
The systems model provides a conceptual framework for the study of domestic and family violence that moves beyond this impasse. A system, after all, is a whole that functions as a whole through the interdependence of its parts. For our purposes, this model contains two subsystems: the personal and family response subsystem and the organizational response subsystem. These subsystems are dynamic; they interact on a field composed of cultural beliefs, national values, and political tensions and are shaped by historical, environmental, and social forces.
Personal and Family Response Subsystem
Here is the first component of the systems model. We will look at each level in turn.
Figure 1-1
The family unit, the location in which violence occurs (red), lies at the center of the personal and family response system. The next level of support (yellow), comprised of church groups, friends, neighbors, and relatives, surrounds the family unit. On the outskirts of this level, we find the broad level of general impact and social support (green)—the economic and community influences.
This model illustrates how acts of domestic and family violence occur within the personal subsystem and how they are affected by the dynamics within that system. All these interactions are superimposed on the broader environment of cultural beliefs and historical attitudes.
Organizational Response Subsystem
The following graphic represents the second component of the systems model, referred to as the victim and offender response system. This subsystem enables us to examine service delivery issues at three levels. In order to illustrate how this subsystem works, let us consider the case of "Kristen."
Figure 1-2
Level 1
Level 1 (red) concerns itself with those issues facing the first professional notified of the abuse. As the case of Kirsten reveals, the mechanics of interaction at this level are not as straightforward as they may appear. Kristen, a teacher and married 40-something suburbanite mother of two adolescent girls, was having a sexual affair with a 16-year-old boy in her middle-school eighth-grade class. She confided in a friend, also a teacher, who referred her to a psychologist. Keep in mind that both teachers and psychologists are mandated to report even suspected child abuse, which this situation certainly was. This case, however, was never reported to protective services. Kristen terminated therapy after one visit and eventually divorced her husband, abandoned her children, and helped her adolescent "lover" get emancipated from his parents. She subsequently married, and later was divorced by, him.
In this case, the formal organizational response system failed miserably. It broke down at the first level. How could this breakdown have occurred? Were the professionals contacted simply negligent? To better understand this breakdown, we must examine the interaction and possible impact of the other two levels.
Level 2
Level 2 (purple) consists of the system in which the initially contacted professional works. It encompasses interorganizational relationships among the various service resource groups. In this case, the teacher/friend did not work at the same school or even in the same school district as Kristen. A high-school teacher hardened by frequent accounts of the sexual exploits of older students, she was more concerned about the impact of Kristen's actions on Kristen's family. She was not particularly concerned about the fact that a boy, obviously older than most middle school students, was having sex. She saw her responsibility in terms of referring her friend to a psychologist, not reporting the abuse.
The psychologist worked in private practice and had no connections to or interactions with the school system in question. Had Kristen sought help from a community-based mental health agency or a youth-services bureau, the outcome might have been vastly different. Peer supervision among clinicians would have put the situation in proper perspective, negating the impact of the personal biases, cultural expectations, and societal influences.
Level 3
Level 3 (blue) encompasses the larger professional, political, and legal arena within which all professionals operate. A backdrop of historical attitudes and national values further influences the actions at this level. For example, this incident occurred in the early 1980s, close to the end of the so-called "sexual revolution," a time when sexual mores were very lax. Note as well that the victim was a 16-year-old male. Had it been a male teacher with a female student repeating the eighth grade for the third time, societal attitudes might have been more condemning of the teacher's behavior. The psychologist, a male born in the Middle East, viewed the incident as being educational for the "young man." This case highlights well the problems facing the first professional contacted: ethical dilemmas, legal issues, and questions of perception and judgment.
In order to grasp the complex nature of domestic violence, you must understand how these disparate models interact. You will gain additional practice in this task when you take a look at the thoroughly illustrated case study of Jim and Barbara Scott. This case study highlights the necessity of approaching domestic violence from a systems perspective and will be referenced for discussion throughout the course.
As you review this case study, you will see how the interaction of the components that comprise both the personal system and the organizational system determine the course of domestic violence. Components of the personal system place Jim, Barbara, Ann, and Billy at risk. Initially the violence is responded to within the personal system, but once the school system intervenes and brings the violent incident to the attention of child protective services, the organizational response system takes over. This sets off a continuous interaction between the systems that affects the outcome of the case, resulting in the family system being changed by the feedback mechanisms within the organizational system.
For Further Thought:
Review the case history and think about all the different factors at work here.
Domestic violence is a multidimensional problem. We must examine it at the level of the individual, the family and domestic unit, the immediate social network, and the larger environmental network. We must further evaluate each of these components in relation to the legal, medical, and social service resources available to each. Simple problems can have simple solutions, but nothing about domestic violence is simple.
Although we are introducing you to several key concepts in this module, your understanding of systems model interaction and of the multifaceted nature of domestic violence provides the cornerstone, the foundation upon which all else is built. We recommend that you apply your understanding of the systems model to your approach of subsequently introduced models and concepts. By doing so, you will see how the systems model provides a framework comprehensive enough to approach the complex nature of domestic violence.
Unfortunately, What Lisa Knew (1990), Joyce Johnson's riveting account of the Lisa Steinberg case, is no longer in print. It provided a horrifying look at the complete failure of the organizational response system to protect this child. In lieu of reading the book, you are asked to research this case online to supplement course material. A conference may be established for you to share websites and to discuss your thoughts and feelings about this case with your course mates.
We will use the case study of Lisa Steinberg to illustrate the various theories concerning the causes of domestic violence.
Case Study: Lisa Steinberg
Environmental Theories
There are three major perspectives of environmental theories: historical, biological, and cultural.
Historical Perspective
This research examines the individual, familial, or cultural historic precedents for aggression and violence in a particular situation.
Biological Perspective
Still in the early stages of development, this research investigates the influence of biology on aggression and violence. It has focused on two areas: ethology and physiology.
•Ethology, the study of behavior in natural settings, emphasizes the importance of understanding the genetic inheritance of behavior patterns acquired through natural selection and aimed at survival of the species. The concept instinct broadly designates these patterns.
•Physiology, the second of the biological perspectives, researches the ways in which physical factors such as hormones, genes, and neurological factors determine behavior. Much research has been devoted to the relationship between the male sex hormone testosterone and aggression. To date, however, the evidence suggesting that aggression causes hormonal variation appears at least as convincing as the hypothesis that the hormone causes aggression.
Researchers also have examined genetic patterns in an effort to determine whether some patterns increase and other patterns decrease aggressive behavior. Like the research with hormones, however, there is no conclusive evidence of a consistent relationship between chromosomal abnormalities and aggression.
While researchers have identified brain structures implicated in aggression, they note that even direct manipulation of these structures does not overcome the normal social restraints on violence.
At the same time, we must recognize that biological and genetic defects as well as neurological conditions may contribute to domestic stress and violence. Dramatic examples of impaired cognition and perception such as mental retardation, cerebral palsy, epilepsy, and even minimal brain dysfunction can be major stressors that inhibit communication, cause frustration, and even precipitate violent episodes.
The impact of alcohol and drug abuse on brain functions and aggressive behavior represents another area for biological research. Studies suggest that alcohol consumption and certain drugs can lead to aggressive behavior; however, their role in domestic violence is better understood in terms of their contribution to family tension and the subsequent escalation of conflict. Drug and alcohol intoxication also serves as a convenient excuse for violent behaviors, allowing abuser and victim to continue cohabiting.
For Further Thought:
How do the various theories from the biological perspective apply to the Lisa Steinberg case? Do some fit better than others? Does a combination of biological factors provide a better explanation for you? Explain.
Cultural Perspective
The term culture refers to those elements of a people's history, tradition, values and social organization that help to define them as a group and to distinguish them from other peoples. In American culture, violence is a major theme, often condoned or even glamorized through various aspects of the media. American society's valorization of individualism and success in competition, particularly for males, often translates into the use of violence to obtain a desired goal or to compensate for failing to obtain it.
Commentators often praise American society as a cultural "melting pot;" yet, the reality of a diverse mix of cultural differences may be reflected in the sanctioning of corporal punishment in some child rearing practices and the use of force as a control mechanism.
Psychosocial Theories
There are several psychological perspectives in the study of aggression and violence: psychodynamic and psychoanalytic, social psychological, and victimization.
Psychodynamic and Psychoanalytic Perspectives
These perspectives developed from clinical inference of early studies of individual patients and were heavily influenced by medical models, which viewed both victim and offender as somehow psychologically impaired. This belief allowed us to comfortably distance ourselves from the offender and also contributed to the blaming-the-victim mentality, which remains prevalent today.
Subsequent controlled research studies continued to reflect the desire to discover a violent personality type, a fundamental flaw in personality that would account for domestic violence. Offender studies drew up personality profiles, scrutinized early childhood experiences, and assessed coping and defense mechanisms in the hope that a treatable pathology would be found. Studies suggest that there are combinations of personality characteristics and impairments that increase the risk for domestic violence in both victims and offenders; however, different combinations seem to contribute to different forms of abuse (Bolton & Bolton, 1987).
We stress that although violence can be attributed to psychotic processes within the individual, domestic violence is more likely to be a function of complex, situationally specific variables.
Social Psychological Perspective
Recent research focuses on the victim and offender as parts of a violent unit, with victim-vulnerability and offender-stress factors seen as critical components. Social psychologists, for example, theorize about the ways in which individuals interact with their environment to produce violence. Social learning and cognitive theorists concentrate on the role of learned behavior in a social context, most notably learning by modeling. According to these theorists, violence is a learned aggressive behavior that, in not being consistently punished, is continually reinforced. Cognitive theorists focus their attention on belief systems that govern the acceptability of aggressive behavior and which exert control over biologically endowed aggressive tendencies, an approach that is increasingly influential. Specific components of the social psychological perspective include the frustration-aggression hypothesis, resource theory, and social exchange/social control theory.
•Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis- Researchers believe that frustration, an emotion arising from being thwarted (by oneself or others) in reaching a goal, leads to aggression, particularly if the individual is not inhibited by fear or anxiety. Sufficiently aversive frustration increases stress and arousal, which then may activate and energize aggressive impulses.
•Resource Theory- This perspective focuses on how a balance of power is maintained within relationships. Theorists conceptualize the family as a power system. Within it, the individual with the greatest number of resources (success, prestige, age, intelligence, love, and sexual attraction) has power over other individuals in the system. While all members strive to maintain some balance of resources, the men (husbands, fathers) tend, across cultures, to be the most powerful by virtue of their access to greater number of resources. Sudden unemployment of the husband may create an imbalance of power, which increases tension and may contribute to violent behavior.
•Social-exchange/Social-control Theory- This perspective develops out of the hypothesis that individuals engage in behavior either to get a reward or to avoid punishment. Richard Gelles theorizes that individuals will use violence in the family to establish social control unless the costs of being violent outweigh the rewards. This theoretical framework portrays American society as one full of sexual and generational inequalities that weaken social controls and reduce the cost of being violent to females, children, and the elderly (Gelles, 1997).
For Further Thought:
How do the various theories from the social psychological perspective account for the abuse of Lisa Steinberg? Which single theory or combination of theories works best? Do any combine well with one or more of the biological theories?
Victimization Perspective
This perspective deals with the changes that individuals experience as a result of victimization. In addition to suffering the effects of a physical assault, victimized individuals experience mental, emotional, and spiritual injuries. Their views of the world and of themselves undergo profound change. Former assumptions that allowed them to function effectively may be shattered and can be replaced by a state of disequilibrium, characterized by extreme stress and anxiety. Victims are faced with the awesome task of reconstructing their belief systems in order to function effectively once again in society.
An important concept from the victimization perspective is trauma, defined as an event that challenges our assumptive worlds and overwhelms our psychological and biological coping mechanisms.
Bessel A. van der Kolk, director of the Trauma Center at Massachusetts Mental Health Center, has documented the long-term effects of trauma (1990, 1986). As determinants of the ways in which victims will respond to subsequent stress, he lists these factors: age of the victim, severity of the trauma, the social support system, and history of prior traumatization. Van der Kolk notes that psychological trauma can cause psychological defects that impair functioning, notably learned helplessness and difficulty in modulating intimacy. Learned helplessness refers to the victims' loss of a sense of control over their interpersonal lives, while difficulties in modulating intimacy range from expecting too much or too little in a relationship and setting oneself up as a perceived victim of subsequent interpersonal transactions.
As a result of their abuse, traumatized people often experience stressful life events as psychosomatic symptoms, panic attacks, and rage reactions. Some even remain preoccupied with the trauma to the point that they are unable to enjoy other life experiences. Those suffering from sublimated preoccupation devote their energies to assisting others, bearing witness to their traumatic experiences, or even continuing to recreate the trauma in some form for themselves or others.
Van der Kolk acknowledges gender-based differences in response to trauma. He notes that men tend to vent the resultant increased rage on their social surroundings, while women are more likely to turn it upon themselves in the form of self-destruction behavior or diminished capacity to set limits on the aggression of others. Age also affects the response; for example, children and adolescents traumatized by a family member, a presumed source of safety and nurture, often develop pathological maneuvers to reestablish some sense of safety (1990,1986).
Bolton and Bolton (1987) conclude that the consequences of the victimization experience are vast. Their list includes poor self-concept, low self-esteem, dependency problems, difficulty in trusting, revictimization, emotional trauma and psychological difficulties, sexual maladjustment, and social and interpersonal problems.
Additionally, victims who have experienced intense trauma often suffer from post-traumatic stress syndrome, a condition characterized by an initial period of numbness or denial. This stage may last for hours or even years. Afterwards, thoughts and feelings associated with the event begin to occur involuntarily in the form of visual images, nightmares, obsessive ideations, and reenactments. It remains unclear why some victims who have sustained major psychological trauma experience no lasting effects, while others become fixated on the trauma. Some determinants appear to be the severity of the trauma, the victim's state of emotional development, and the role of social support. Victimization effects must be examined in a developmental context, which will be explored in module 2.
For Further Thought:
Explore the victimization process as it might apply to the Lisa Steinberg situation.
Sociocultural Theories
The four perspectives included in this theoretical framework are sociological, sociostructural, conflict, and feminist.
Sociological Perspectives
This approach investigates the interdependence of and the reciprocal relationships between the way in which a society is organized and the social relations of individuals within that society. It assumes that the extent to which people can meet their needs and realize their potentials depends upon their living conditions and human relations, and vice versa.
Sociostructural Perspective
This method focuses on the extent to which people can meet their fundamental human needs and realize their potentials within the context of the prevailing institutional order and ideology (i.e., the social structure). David Gil (1986), a social policy theorist in the area of domestic violence, evaluates social structure with respect to three important areas: 1) control, use, and development of natural and human resources; 2) organization and design of work and production; and 3) exchange and distribution of life-sustaining and life-enhancing goods and services as well as social, civil, and political rights. Feelings of powerlessness and restriction in any of these areas spark violence in the larger society as well as within the domestic unit.
Conflict Perspective
This perspective presumes that conflict is an inevitable part of social process and change. According to this approach, culturally based, institutionalized inequities of status, rights, and power among individuals, sexes, ages, classes, races, and peoples appear to encourage incidents of domestic violence (Gill, 1986). Applied to American culture, Gil's analysis suggests that the many inequities and conflicting values within our socio-structure frustrate the meeting of human needs and contribute to family violence.
Feminist Perspective
As previously mentioned, feminist theory views social structure critically, believing it to be a causative factor in human violence. Virtually all feminists point to the patriarchal organization of society, in which men dominate and control women, as the origin for the most serious incidents of domestic violence. The reality of this violence, feminists assert, is a reflection of men's greater relative power, authority, and status in society. Therefore, feminists call for a restructuring of the relationship between the sexes as a move toward reduction and elimination of domestic violence.
For Further Thought:
How do the sociocultural theories add to your understanding of the Steinberg case? Are these theories more or less useful to you than the biological and psychological ones? Modify the theoretical combination you previously created by adding one or more of the social theories. Does this work for you? Why or why not?
Psychosocial Systems Model of Domestic Violence
The Psychosocial Systems Model, based on the work of Murray Bowen (1966, 1971) and other family systems theorists, offers a way to conceptualize the interaction of the various theoretical approaches, from psychodynamic and learning to environmental and biosocial.
This model is helpful in addressing the complex topic of child abuse, which cannot be explained solely by the learned behaviors or mental illness of the abusing parent, by socioeconomic or situational stressors, or simply by recognizing a particular set of personality traits. The psychosocial systems approach to domestic violence moves beyond any single explanation of domestic violence by focusing on the shifting dynamics in the abusing family, in the environment, and in the culture in which the family lives. Proponents of this approach examine role expectations, alliances, coalitions, enmeshments, and disengagements of family members.
Additionally this model looks at how children are frequently used as scapegoats for parental and relationship dysfunction. Scapegoating, projection, and role-reversal are all notable examples of psychodynamic concepts that should be examined within the context of the domestic relationship (Justice and Justice, 1990).
The psychosocial systems model, in the form of “family systems" therapy, has been applied to the examination of violence in couple relationships. This treatment remains controversial, however, because it views relationship violence as being symptomatic of dysfunctional interactions in a couple's relationship. In other words, according to this theory, both batterer and victim contribute to the escalation of tension that precedes violent episodes. From this perspective, both partners need to participate in family systems or “couples" therapy, an approach that feminists have vigorously criticized. They charge that this theory is an example of "victim blaming," because it implies that the woman is in some way responsible for her battering. Critics further argue that the systems theory treatment approach ignores the more relevant issues of gender, power, control, and patriarchy (Gelles, 1997).
Regardless of its desirability as a treatment method, the psychosocial systems model's integrative approach makes it invaluable to our understanding of domestic violence. For more information, you may find the following website helpful:
Problem-Solving Process
Growing out of the systems model, the problem-solving process is an essential tool for understanding and evaluating applicable strategies and interventions. It includes five major steps:
•Problem identification: Who owns the problem? Is it individual in origin or a function of the domestic unit?
•Problem assessment: What are the vulnerabilities, weaknesses, and stressors? Are these individuals from highly dysfunctional or stable families of origin? Are there adequate social networks?
•Goal formulation: What are the desired goals? What can be done to achieve them? At this stage, individuals evaluate possible options and explore decision making, such as the decision to leave the home, to contact a women's shelter, or to participate in a batterers program for the offender.
•Strategy selection and implementation: In this step, individuals formulate various interventions necessary to achieve desired outcomes. They put the plan into action by making the necessary arrangements, for example, by choosing the batterers group as an appropriate intervention.
•Evaluation: This is the assessment phase of the process, which focuses on actual outcomes. Was the batterers' program successful in eliminating the abuse?
For Further Thought:
Skim the Scott case study and try to identify as many parts of the problem-solving process as you can, realizing that not all parts of the process are present in the case.
Vulnerability
The systems model documents the interplay between various risk factors that render families or individuals vulnerable to incidents of domestic violence. These factors may include socioeconomic stress, social isolation, family stress, and individual dysfunction. Garbarino finds it essential to grasp the concept of vulnerabilities, because it, rather than risk, is the earlier determinant of potential violence. He states, “The vulnerable parent is one who need not become a high risk unless conditions conspire to exploit or attack the parent. It is on the concept of vulnerability that risk is built by environmental circumstances" (1989, p. 45). For this course, the concept of vulnerability will be extended to all aspects of domestic violence.
Vulnerability can be viewed from several perspectives. We will focus primarily on the developmental, personal and familial, social systems, and organizational response systems perspectives.
Developmental Vulnerabilities
Change and transition, the great constants in the life cycle, differ in childhood and adulthood. The changes, or developmental stages, that occur in infancy, childhood and adolescence are relatively discrete and predictable. From them, general guidelines have been formulated to allow parents to assess their children's progress in motor, verbal, cognitive and social abilities. These guidelines also determine acceptable behavioral expectations for children of various ages.
The same structure does not hold for the biological, psychosocial, cognitive, and social changes that occur in adulthood. These changes are subtler and appear to have no absolute time or sequential order. One of the most influential theorists addressing developmental and transitional change throughout the life cycle is Erik Erikson (1950); his theory of psychosocial development will be discussed further in module 2.
The developmental perspective is helpful for understanding the vulnerabilities inherent to various developmental phases as well as the consequences of past abuses as they impact upon one's current behavior. Victims of family violence are at higher risk for becoming both future victims and offenders. There exists significant evidence that family violence can lead to violence in other settings as well, fostering both delinquent and criminal behaviors.
Keep in mind that growing up in an abusive, violent home does not guarantee that one will become a perpetual victim or abuser. The self-perpetuating character of domestic violence is a vulnerability, not a predetermined fate. It is a cycle that can be broken.
Personal and Family System Vulnerabilities
There are three components essential to understanding the vulnerabilities of family systems: 1) the individual family members, 2) the family unit, and 3) the community of which the individuals are a part.
At the level of individual family members, vulnerability centers on questions of personal adaptation and the ability to cope with the demands of change. Individuals vary in their arsenal of personal strategies and capacities to deal with change.
For the family unit, family adaptation relies on a balance of reciprocal relationships. One vulnerability in our present culture is the ongoing struggle between the family and the work community, both of which compete for the individual's involvement and commitment. An imbalance may occur when the demands of the workplace take precedence over family responsibilities.
At the community level, vulnerability occurs when there is an imbalance between community demands and available resources. For example, the state of Maryland is currently facing many budget cuts, which threaten to have a strong effect on the availability of community medical and social services. Maryland citizens and families are facing an imbalance between the needs of the community and the ability of the community to meet them.
Families seldom deal with a single stressor, and demands from the three basic components of individual, family, and community frequently interact. As an example of a multiple-demand event, imagine the following: A middle-aged couple, in debt because of an economic downturn, are dealing simultaneously with their own aging, with the developmental struggles of their adolescent children, and with the care of a disabled father, whose wife recently died after a lengthy illness.
Social System Vulnerabilities
In addition to those vulnerabilities associated with developmental transitions, various internal vulnerabilities exist. They are associated with passages through the life cycle, such as births and deaths, divorces and remarriages, chronic illnesses and unemployment, as well as military deployments. Additionally, social, political, and economic events impact the family as it moves through the life cycle, precipitating stressors and strains that present further vulnerabilities.
Organizational Response System Vulnerabilities
The same demand and resource balance perspective operates with regard to vulnerabilities existing within the organizational response system. Organizations, after all, are composed of individuals with various personal strengths and weaknesses for accommodating change. In addition, the response organization itself possesses vulnerabilities, which result from its interaction, cooperation, and coordination with other aspects of the professional community. In turn, the professional community is influenced and limited by changes occurring within the larger political system. We can use the concepts of resources and demands, or capabilities and vulnerabilities, to understand the organizational response system in the same way we apply them to the family system.
Help-Seeking Process
The help-seeking process is comprised of several stages:
• Problem Identification
• Problem Assessment
•Goal Formulation
• Strategy Selection
Thus far, we have focused on the first two stages by 1) identifying components of the systems model that, in interaction with each other, help define the problem, and 2) identifying several types of vulnerabilities. These stages are essential precursors to actively seeking help, a construct of help-seeking behavior.
Health educator Lawrence Green and his colleagues (1980) identified three types of factors that can affect the help-seeking process by either encouraging or discouraging action:
• Predisposing factors – attitudes, perceptions, or beliefs that either facilitate or hinder personal motivation to act
• Enabling factors – factors that either help by their presence or hinder by their absence like the ability to obtain necessary assistance (limited facilities, inadequate personnel, lack of funds)
• Reinforcing factors – characteristics of services or attitudes of caregivers that assist in decision-making like the feedback or attention received.
Incorporating the factors listed above, child abuse expert Beverly Gomes-Schwartz and her colleagues subsequently developed a model for examining the help-seeking process with specific regard to child abuse. A modified version of this model is shown in Figure 1.3.
Help-Seeking Response Model
The following diagram is based on the Gomes-Schwartz model.
Figure 1-3
This model helps us to interconnect, in process terms, the two major components of the systems model: the personal and family response system and the organizational response system. The arrows indicate the continuous ongoing interactions among the victim, the offender, the family, and the social environment. System change is constantly occurring, because each interaction affects subsequent interactions and vulnerabilities interact with each other to influence the potential for abuse.
Once the abuse occurs, these same factors extend to the family and organizational or institutional responses to the violence, which in turn are influenced by the demand and resource balance or imbalance in the system. Throughout the entire response process, the personal system components and the organizational response components are in constant interaction, in a process of constant change. This modified Gomes-Schwartz model will be used in subsequent modules to capture the dynamic and complex nature of the help-seeking process.
For Further Thought:
Using the case history of Barbara and Jim Scott, identify the main components of the systems model, and give a concrete example from the case for each model component. Apply the problem-solving model to the case situation.
In this module, we have laid the groundwork for our study of domestic violence as a multi-faceted phenomenon. In particular, we have focused on the systems model, with its two subsystems, as the essential framework upon which other models and concepts are superimposed. We have examined various theories of violence to illustrate the multi-faceted nature of domestic violence. We have discussed the problem-solving process, explored the concept of vulnerability from several perspectives, and introduced a help-seeking response model. For further information on any of these topics, consult the references cited.
References
Bolton, F., & Bolton, S. (1987). Working with violent families. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Erikson, E. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: W.W. Norton and Company.
Garbarino, J. (1989). The incidence and prevalence of child maltreatment. In L. Ohlin & M. Tonry (Eds.), Family violence (pp. 219–262). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Gelles, R. J. (1997). Intimate violence in families (3rd ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Gelles, R. J., & Cornell, C. P. (1990). Intimate violence in families. Newbury Park, CA.: Sage Publications.
Gomes–Schwartz, B., Horowitz, J. M., & Cardarelli, A. P. (1990). Child sexual abuse. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Gil, D. (1986). Sociocultural Aspects of Domestic Violence. In M. Lystad (Ed.), Violence in the home: Interdisciplinary perspectives (pp. 124–149). New York: Brunner/Mazel, Inc.
Green, L., Kreuter, M., Deeds, S., & Partridge, K. (1980). Health education planning: A diagnostic approach. Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield Publishing Company.
Justice, B., & Justice, R. (1990). The abusing family (Rev. ed.). New York: Plenum Press.
Van der Kolk, B. A. (Ed.). (1986). Psychological trauma. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Association Press.
Van der Kolk, B. A. (1990). Trauma in men: Effects on family life. In M. Straus (Ed.), Abuse and victimization across the life span (pp. 170–187). Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press.
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Module 2: Components of the Domestic and Family System Model
Reflect on the following questions, and be prepared to discuss them in a future conference.
•Identify and briefly describe the 3 conceptualizations of the family as each relates to domestic violence issues.
•Differentiate between the dichotomous approaches of control vs. independence in dealing with domestic violence.
•Identify the 6 major lifecycle stages and their inherent vulnerabilities for violence.
•Describe Erikson's 8 stages of psychosocial development and their respective vulnerabilities for violence.
•Describe the steps in Maslow's hierarchy and how they are impacted by domestic violence.
•Synthesize McCann's "at risk negative schema" with the works of Erikson and Maslow.
Integrative Assessment Activity:
Using the Eriksonian model, identify the central developmental stages for Jim, Barbara, Ann, and Bill Scott in the case introduced in module 1. Examine the individual developmental crises and how they play out in relation to one another. How might the interaction of the developmental issues within the Scott family contribute to domestic and family violence? How might different sex-role socialization experiences for Jim and Barbara contribute both to acts of family violence and to response behaviors? How might witnessing domestic violence between their parents contribute to and affect the development of the Scott children? How can components of the trauma response system help you to better understand the potential long- and short-term effects on the victims of violence in the Scott family?
Sample Solution