International Law

International Law

Order Description
Assignment Briefin” rel=”nofollow”>ing
This in” rel=”nofollow”>interestin” rel=”nofollow”>ing piece obviously covers much more than just in” rel=”nofollow”>international law. But there are quite a few references to in” rel=”nofollow”>international law matters we will discuss in” rel=”nofollow”>in class. For example, reference is made to those who thin” rel=”nofollow”>ink that in” rel=”nofollow”>international law has not fulfilled its promise. The same is supposedly true for “globalization”, which, of course, in” rel=”nofollow”>in no small measure is the result of or achieved through in” rel=”nofollow”>international law in” rel=”nofollow”>instruments. The global rule of law, so it said, is at best applied opportunistically. And there are other references, especially if one takes in” rel=”nofollow”>into account the close relationship between in” rel=”nofollow”>international law, in” rel=”nofollow”>international relations, democracy and the rule of law.
Your task is to critique this text from the perspective of our topic, in” rel=”nofollow”>international law. Your will have broad discretion in” rel=”nofollow”>in how you wish to approach this task. The lin” rel=”nofollow”>inks I have mentioned above are only examples. It will require some careful thought and some readin” rel=”nofollow”>ing around for you to be able to make up your specific topic, to decide on your personal approach to this task. I ask only two thin” rel=”nofollow”>ings: Ensure the connection to the text remain” rel=”nofollow”>ins visible and ensure that the non-suspectin” rel=”nofollow”>ing reader will know that your piece is main” rel=”nofollow”>inly about in” rel=”nofollow”>international law even if you decide – and that is certain” rel=”nofollow”>inly possible – to lin” rel=”nofollow”>ink your in” rel=”nofollow”>international law analyses to broader questions. International law is, after all, a legal order that yields the framework for other areas of conduct and thus for other areas of study.
Carefully read the expectations below. Research effort and coherence of text are the main” rel=”nofollow”>in criteria.
Expectations
• In essence you are writin” rel=”nofollow”>ing a (law) journal article. Thus you can take any (law) scholarly journal article as a template.
• Structure your paper. Use in” rel=”nofollow”>informative headin” rel=”nofollow”>ings and sub-headin” rel=”nofollow”>ings to guide the reader through your paper. Create a table of contents from these headin” rel=”nofollow”>ings and subheadin” rel=”nofollow”>ings at the begin” rel=”nofollow”>innin” rel=”nofollow”>ing of your paper. There is a function for this in” rel=”nofollow”>in WORD and if you are not familiar with it, now is the time to learn to use it.
• In order to write this paper you will need to do research, i.e. fin” rel=”nofollow”>ind relevant authority in” rel=”nofollow”>in in” rel=”nofollow”>international case law (if and where applicable) and (in” rel=”nofollow”>in this case probably more so) in” rel=”nofollow”>in the literature, and to analyse these materials. Any in” rel=”nofollow”>insight you gain” rel=”nofollow”>in from these materials and that you use in” rel=”nofollow”>in your paper must be properly footnoted. In law we usually follow the Australian Guide to Legal Citation (3rd ed., 2010, https://law.unimelb.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/1586203/Fin” rel=”nofollow”>inalOnlin” rel=”nofollow”>inePDF-2012Reprin” rel=”nofollow”>int.pdf). In this particular course of the SWMS, however, you are probably faced with many citation styles and certain” rel=”nofollow”>inly political scientists are known to sometimes take, dare I say, a strict and peculiar approach. In our unit you can chose any style you want. What is important is that you actually do reference properly (omittin” rel=”nofollow”>ing to do so constitutes plagiarism!) and that your referencin” rel=”nofollow”>ing style allows me as the reader to identify your source without further research of my own. In other words it is sufficient in” rel=”nofollow”>in this unit that you thin” rel=”nofollow”>ink about the purpose of referencin” rel=”nofollow”>ing and the reader. If that is too vague for you, then follow the above mentioned Australian Guide to Legal Citation.
• You are expected to employ your critical and analytical skills in” rel=”nofollow”>in this essay. Avoid mere description or regurgitation unless absolutely necessary for the reader to understand your text and do not block-quote excessively. Both your observations and your use of other people’s writin” rel=”nofollow”>ing should reflect this critical/analytical dimension. In sum, your in” rel=”nofollow”>intellectual in” rel=”nofollow”>input should be clearly discernible in” rel=”nofollow”>in the paper.
• You are not marked for your political or social views or opin” rel=”nofollow”>inions, but rather for your ability to present coherent, rational and logical arguments, properly supported by authority.

You are also marked on your ability to express yourself clearly, logically and succin” rel=”nofollow”>inctly. Poor expression, grammar, punctuation and spellin” rel=”nofollow”>ing will detract from your overall mark.
• Remember to in” rel=”nofollow”>include a bibliography at the end of your assignment. Your bibliography should list the sources that you have engaged with durin” rel=”nofollow”>ing the preparation and research of your assignment. It is a good idea to list primary and secondary sources under separate sub-headin” rel=”nofollow”>ings in” rel=”nofollow”>in your bibliography.
• Please note that your research effort, visible in” rel=”nofollow”>in the bibliography (the bibliography is a summary of all materials used whereas the footnotes specify where and exactly what idea was used from this source; every item listed in” rel=”nofollow”>in the bibliography must also appear in” rel=”nofollow”>in a footnote in” rel=”nofollow”>in the text!) and demonstrated by your engagement with the material you have found, analysed and implemented in” rel=”nofollow”>into your own writin” rel=”nofollow”>ing (and properly referenced in” rel=”nofollow”>in the footnotes) will be the central pillar for the mark you will receive.
• Your research paper should not exceed 3000/2500 words (see above). The word limit applies to the file as a whole, i.e. text, footnotes, table of contents, bibliography (3000 words). You may opt not to count the bibliography in” rel=”nofollow”>in which case the word limit will be 2500 words. The word count in” rel=”nofollow”>includin” rel=”nofollow”>ing the option you chose should be prin” rel=”nofollow”>inted on the cover page. The word count is primarily there to protect you. It is not a bean- countin” rel=”nofollow”>ing exercise and is relevant main” rel=”nofollow”>inly for equity reasons to ensure no one has an advantage because they wrote much more. Even if you are below the word limit you should still review your text for redundancy and succin” rel=”nofollow”>inctness and more so if you are above.
Article of reference to base the topic on.
The Opin” rel=”nofollow”>inion Pages | CONTRIBUTING OP-ED WRITER
The New Ideology of the New Cold War

Jochen Bittner AUG. 1, 2016

HAMBURG, Germany — In its heyday, Communism claimed that capitalism had betrayed the worker. So what should we make of Moscow’s new battle cry, that democracy has betrayed the voter?
It’s a worldview that has become in” rel=”nofollow”>increasin” rel=”nofollow”>ingly clear through the era of Russia’s president, Vladimir V. Putin” rel=”nofollow”>in, via a mosaic of public political statements, off-the-record conversations with academics and in” rel=”nofollow”>intelligence in” rel=”nofollow”>insights. Let’s call it “orderism.”
Orderism has started to challenge democracy in” rel=”nofollow”>in many parts of the world — Turkey, Poland, the Philippin” rel=”nofollow”>ines. But Mr. Putin” rel=”nofollow”>in’s Russia believes it holds the copyright on this formula, and sees it as the sharp end of the wedge it is tryin” rel=”nofollow”>ing to drive among the nations of the West.
The ideology’s basic political premise is that liberal democracy and in” rel=”nofollow”>international law have not lived up to their promise. Instead of creatin” rel=”nofollow”>ing stability, they have produced in” rel=”nofollow”>inequality and chaos. The secular religion worshiped in” rel=”nofollow”>in the Western parliaments was globalization (or, in” rel=”nofollow”>in the European Union’s case, Europeanization). These beliefs, accordin” rel=”nofollow”>ing to the orderists, overlooked the downsides.

The most obvious downside, accordin” rel=”nofollow”>ing to orderism, is that open borders and global trade have led to vanishin” rel=”nofollow”>ing jobs and mass migration. At the same time, a mental borderlessness has shaken liberal societies: With potentially every traditional value now up for negotiation, no habit, custom or in” rel=”nofollow”>institution is sacred. The same leniency that allows for the free sale of marijuana, same-sex marriages and the crownin” rel=”nofollow”>ing of a bearded drag queen named Conchita Wurst as the win” rel=”nofollow”>inner of the 2014 Eurovision song contest also tolerates militant Islamism within” rel=”nofollow”>in Western borders.
It is the same moral weakness and decadence, orderism warns, that preceded the fall of previous empires. Like Nero, the establishment is fiddlin” rel=”nofollow”>ing in” rel=”nofollow”>in its palaces while Rome burns.
Orderism also claims that, on the global stage, in” rel=”nofollow”>international law is beaten in” rel=”nofollow”>into submission by the rules of the strongest, with terrible outcomes. Even the West, orderists claim, adheres to the global rule of law only when it suits its in” rel=”nofollow”>interests. When it doesn’t, the United States and its allies ignore or circumvent United Nations provisions. Orderists believe that events in” rel=”nofollow”>in Ukrain” rel=”nofollow”>ine in” rel=”nofollow”>in 2014 are Exhibit A for Western hypocrisy: The United States encouraged and fin” rel=”nofollow”>inanced a coup in” rel=”nofollow”>in Kiev, they say, and in” rel=”nofollow”>installed obedient politicians afterward. The rule of law and liberal multilateralism, they in” rel=”nofollow”>insist, are just Trojan horses, carryin” rel=”nofollow”>ing the West closer and closer to their borders.

Thus it is an act of self-defense for Russia, in” rel=”nofollow”>in the orderist worldview, to secure the Crimean Penin” rel=”nofollow”>insula, with its sprawlin” rel=”nofollow”>ing Russian Navy port; to in” rel=”nofollow”>increase military spendin” rel=”nofollow”>ing; and to hold frequent military exercises along the Russian-NATO borders. Just as the West contain” rel=”nofollow”>ined an aggressive East in” rel=”nofollow”>in the 20th century, orderism believes the East must now contain” rel=”nofollow”>in a megalomaniac and arrogant West to prevent the spread of even more chaos.
Orderism prioritizes stability over democracy and offers an alternative to the moral abyss of laissez-faire societies. Russia stands as a model for this new social contract. This contract is built on patriotism, traditional gender roles, Orthodox Christianity, military strength and, at the top, a benevolent czar who will promise only as much as he can deliver (provided the public gives him sufficient support, he can deliver a lot). Orderism may not yet boast the same economic performance as liberalism, but its adherents in” rel=”nofollow”>insist that the cohesion and the common spirit of an orderly nation will allow it to outlive the in” rel=”nofollow”>inevitable downturn of the disorderly West.
It’s easy to see why, especially for those who have suffered dislocation and anomie under liberal democracy, orderism is appealin” rel=”nofollow”>ing. But just as the utopian promises of Communism were merely a fig leaf for tyranny, the official face of orderism hides somethin” rel=”nofollow”>ing much darker. Order is attractive only until it stifles, and then represses. Unchecked autocrats turn on the weakest and most vulnerable as scapegoats, and lash out in” rel=”nofollow”>in foreign misadventures to divert attention from problems at home. Society breaks down; fear reigns. Orderism ultimately fails to deliver on its own promises.
What is strikin” rel=”nofollow”>ing, though, is how compatible orderism is with the attitudes of many voters in” rel=”nofollow”>in the United States and Europe. Donald J. Trump’s campaign boils down to a promise of tough order. And the decision of British voters to leave the European Union, catalyzed by the promise of the U.K. Independence Party and others of an orderly, in” rel=”nofollow”>independent England, was nothin” rel=”nofollow”>ing but an attempt to stop the frightenin” rel=”nofollow”>ing and discomfitin” rel=”nofollow”>ing effects of globalization. Part of the difficulty in” rel=”nofollow”>in dealin” rel=”nofollow”>ing with orderism is that it is ideological without bein” rel=”nofollow”>ing an ideology. It is mercurial, pragmatic and cynical; its meanin” rel=”nofollow”>ing and values change to fit the circumstances.
Yet, in” rel=”nofollow”>in tacklin” rel=”nofollow”>ing today’s orderism, there is one lesson the West can draw from yesterday’s fight again” rel=”nofollow”>inst Communism. Western leaders must respond to criticisms of liberal democracy, not simply reject them as the product of an in” rel=”nofollow”>insidious, anti-liberal worldview. If Franklin” rel=”nofollow”>in D. Roosevelt and Western Europe’s postwar leaders had dismissed calls for stronger welfare states as Communist-in” rel=”nofollow”>inspired, they would have in” rel=”nofollow”>invited revolution. Instead, they built progressive state in” rel=”nofollow”>institutions that drain” rel=”nofollow”>ined the appeal of anti-liberalism.
If jobs are lost and terrorist attacks are mountin” rel=”nofollow”>ing, democratic politicians have to have the steady nerves and fresh ideas to carry out the necessary repair work. In this new clash of worldviews, we need a new generation of Roosevelts, Adenauers and Monnets, leaders who will take on orderism’s challenge without lashin” rel=”nofollow”>ing out at its adherents. A calm adversarial spirit is what can make democracy great again” rel=”nofollow”>in.
Jochen Bittner is a political editor for the weekly newspaper Die Zeit and a contributin” rel=”nofollow”>ing opin” rel=”nofollow”>inion writer.
Existin” rel=”nofollow”>ing concepts and key words to form a topic from
• Avoid gettin” rel=”nofollow”>ing in” rel=”nofollow”>into topic about in” rel=”nofollow”>international relations or Politics too much!
• See red sections in” rel=”nofollow”>in article- this is key poin” rel=”nofollow”>ints that can be written about.
• It says in” rel=”nofollow”>international law has failed on its promises- so what is the aim and promise of in” rel=”nofollow”>international law? Can we can argue that it has not failed, because it is still a important framework for peace, coordin” rel=”nofollow”>ination, cooperation and human rights?
• The rule of law in” rel=”nofollow”>in in” rel=”nofollow”>international law- what is the rule of law
• The west hegemony, and what Orderism thin” rel=”nofollow”>inks
• Critical perspective of Orderism
• Need footnote referencin” rel=”nofollow”>ing, and Bibliography.
• Min” rel=”nofollow”>inimum of 10 Academic Articles.
• Please contact me for some articles I already found.
• I can also send you slides from lectures to keep the topic in” rel=”nofollow”>in lin” rel=”nofollow”>ine with the course
• Please contact me early to discuss your ideas and we can refin” rel=”nofollow”>ine before you do all the writin” rel=”nofollow”>ing.

 

 

 

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