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Understanding of ethical and political issues facing contemporary and historical health policy

Demonstrate critical understanding of ethical and political issues facing contemporary and historical health policy in local, national and global contexts. • Demonstrate knowledge and critical understanding of the philosophical, political, cultural and ethical perspectives of public health and health promotion. • Critically analyse and evaluate the drivers of health inequalities as well as the politics, practices and ethics of public health and health promotion. • Demonstrate the critical ability to link evidence with policy and practice. • Translate and apply theoretical concepts, principles and related policies to public health and health promotion contexts. Write 400 words for each question 1 -5 below. Include 3-4 references to provide substantive evidence of any claims you make for each question Where appropriate, include personal​‌‍‍‍‌‍‍‌‍‌‌‍‍‍‌‍‌‌‌‍​ anecdotes. Q:1 Whose responsibility is health? Do governments have a role to play, or is it purely down to individual choice? Discuss this issue and back up your argument with relevant scholarly evidence. Q:2 What is the role of interest groups, lobbyists, and mass media in agenda setting? Choose a global health policy issue to help explain how all three of these influence agenda setting. Q:3 Compare how health policies are formed in two countries of your choice, ensuring you address stages 1-3 of the policy formulation process. Q:4 Why do you think that some health programmes driven by foreign donors in low and middle-income countries have been less successful than expected? What kinds of problems do health ministers face in these countries when implementing such programmes? Q:5 Why are monitoring, evaluating, and reviewing new health policies important? Support your argument with evidence-base​‌‍‍‍‌‍‍‌‍‌‌‍‍‍‌‍‌‌‌‍​d research.

Sample Solution

welfare-state paternalism. Berry has identified the role of the media in relation to neoliberalism, in allowing the dominance of these perspectives in the media in the years 2009/10, with the result that recession: ‘was defined as a problem of public rather than private debt, which necessitated sharp cuts to public spending’ (2015:15). The changes to individual and collective behaviour during recession have been documented (Keating et al 2013; Purdam et al 2015; Layte and Landy 2017). At the level of consumerism, Keating et al (2013) study focused on changing attitudes to consumption since the Celtic Tiger years (1995-2007) and into the Irish economic collapse. The study finds emotional and behavioural strategies to cope with these changes which stand out from existent literature: new categories of resignation, and remembrance of times past standing. Purdam et al’s (2015) UK city case study on ‘food insecurity’ highlights the diversity of individuals including professionals using food banks as a ‘last resort’ since the crash and associated feelings of shame. While Layte and Landy (2017) mixed method study looks at the temporal patterns of collective protest in Ireland during recession. They found that the height of unrest actually correlated with recovery in 2014, with unrest at its lowest during 2010. They enables a critique of the direct correlation found between material deprivation and social protest and re-focus in on contingent factors. Lim and Laurence’s study (2017) found a decline in volunteering, particularly informal types, since the recession with this more acute in regions with higher unemployment or previously economically disadvantaged. Rather than directly attributed to financial hardship, weaker ‘norms of social trust’ were discovered as the cause (Lim & Laurence 2017: 10).

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